Blocking the Nippon Steel Acquisition: Politics Versus Policy
from RealEcon and Greenberg Center for Geoeconomic Studies
from RealEcon and Greenberg Center for Geoeconomic Studies

Blocking the Nippon Steel Acquisition: Politics Versus Policy

US Steel Corporation workers rally outside the company's headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supporting the takeover by Japan's Nippon Steel, on September 4, 2024. United States Steel warned Wednesday it could shut its Pittsburgh headquarters.
US Steel Corporation workers rally outside the company's headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supporting the takeover by Japan's Nippon Steel, on September 4, 2024. United States Steel warned Wednesday it could shut its Pittsburgh headquarters. Rebecca Droke/AFP/Getty Images

President Biden's decision to block Nippon Steel’s purchase of U.S. Steel will likely undermine rather than advance U.S. interests.

Last updated January 3, 2025 2:36 pm (EST)

US Steel Corporation workers rally outside the company's headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supporting the takeover by Japan's Nippon Steel, on September 4, 2024. United States Steel warned Wednesday it could shut its Pittsburgh headquarters.
US Steel Corporation workers rally outside the company's headquarters in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, supporting the takeover by Japan's Nippon Steel, on September 4, 2024. United States Steel warned Wednesday it could shut its Pittsburgh headquarters. Rebecca Droke/AFP/Getty Images
Article
Current political and economic issues succinctly explained.


A regular series on the choices faced by international economic policymakers

More From Our Experts

Editor's Note: On January 3, President Joe Biden issued an order prohibiting Nippon Steel from acquiring U.S. Steel, citing risks to U.S. national security and supply-chain resilience. In an article published last September for CFR's RealEcon initiative, Matthew P. Goodman argued that the expected decision would likely undermine rather than advance the very U.S. interests cited by the president in his statement about the decision. The article is republished below.

More on:

RealEcon

Trade-offs

Trade and Investment

Japan

United States

Reports that President Joe Biden has decided to block the proposed acquisition of U.S. Steel by Japan-based Nippon Steel have created a stir in Washington. If true, a decision to block the deal would be widely understood to be a political move to appeal to voters in Pennsylvania and the industrial Midwest. Politics matters, but so does policy, and neither would be well served by this action.

It is difficult to see what U.S. policy objectives would be advanced by a decision to block the Nippon Steel transaction. Indeed, the move would do damage to three of the Biden administration’s own policy priorities: First, it would weaken U.S. economic competitiveness and supply-chain resilience. U.S. Steel has been unprofitable for most of the past fifteen years, and the billions of dollars that Nippon Steel proposes to invest in modernizing U.S. Steel’s plants in Pennsylvania and Indiana would likely save American jobs and help make the company more competitive against China’s now-dominant producers. Blocking the deal could have a chilling effect on other prospective foreign investment into the United States, which the administration has touted as strengthening the U.S. economy and reducing vulnerabilities caused by far-flung supply chains.

Second, the decision would undermine the Biden administration’s efforts to win support from allies in advancing a range of U.S. interests. Japan has been a close partner not only on critical national security issues, from limiting North Korea’s weapons development to pushing back against China and Russia’s territorial expansionism, but also on the very elements of economic security that the Nippon Steel transaction could advance, such as friendshoring and de-risking from China. If Japan’s Prime Minister Kishida Fumio were not stepping down this fall, the decision would be seen in Tokyo as a slap in the face to one of Biden’s closest partners. The move would make it more difficult politically for any Japanese government to follow the U.S. lead.

More From Our Experts

Third, and most important, the decision would weaken a critical tool of national security. The transaction has been under review by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS), the Treasury-chaired body mandated to screen foreign direct investments into the United States for potential national security threats. The Nippon Steel acquisition poses no credible national security threat: Japan is a close ally, Nippon Steel has other existing investments in the United States, and the Defense Department currently buys little or nothing from U.S. Steel. (When a former U.S. steelworker interviewed on RealEcon’s listening tour earlier this summer was asked if he thought national security was a reason to block the Nippon Steel deal, he put on a quizzical face and said, “That’s a stretch.”) Forcing CFIUS to say that the deal is a threat, when it clearly is not, would blunt the credibility and usefulness of this critical tool of U.S. national security. Moreover, it would give license to other countries to use national security as an excuse for taking protectionist actions.

All of those policy drawbacks could be worthwhile from the White House perspective if the politics of the decision were good, but even that is hard to see. Both Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris have already publicly signaled their concerns with the Nippon Steel acquisition, and it seems unlikely that a formal decision to block would swing a single vote in the November elections. A smarter move would be to allow Nippon Steel to withdraw its CFIUS filing until cooler political heads prevailed.

More on:

RealEcon

Trade-offs

Trade and Investment

Japan

United States

The trade-offs explored in this series typically involve difficult choices that policymakers face between conflicting policy objectives: responding to unfair trade practices with tariffs versus fighting domestic inflation, or de-risking from China versus accelerating the clean-energy transition by importing more Chinese-made electric vehicles. In the case of Biden’s reported decision to block Nippon Steel’s proposed acquisition of U.S. Steel, the trade-off perceived by the White House is apparently between good politics and good policy. In fact, both would likely lose.

Creative Commons
Creative Commons: Some rights reserved.
Close
This work is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) License.
View License Detail
Close

Top Stories on CFR

Trade

President Trump doubled almost all aluminum and steel import tariffs, seeking to curb China’s growing dominance in global trade. These six charts show the tariffs’ potential economic effects.

Ukraine

The Sanctioning Russia Act would impose history’s highest tariffs and tank the global economy. Congress needs a better approach, one that strengthens existing sanctions and adds new measures the current bill ignores.

China Strategy Initiative

At the Shangri-La dialogue in Singapore last week, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said that the United States would be expanding its defense partnership with India. His statement was in line with U.S. policy over the last two decades, which, irrespective of the party in power, has sought to cultivate India as a serious defense partner. The U.S.-India defense partnership has come a long way. Beginning in 2001, the United States and India moved from little defense cooperation or coordination to significant gestures that would lay the foundation of the robust defense partnership that exists today—such as India offering access to its facilities after 9/11 to help the United States launch operations in Afghanistan or the 123 Agreement in 2005 that paved the way for civil nuclear cooperation between the two countries. In the United States, there is bipartisan agreement that a strong defense partnership with India is vital for its Indo-Pacific strategy and containing China. In India, too, there is broad political support for its strategic partnership with the United States given its immense wariness about its fractious border relationship with China. Consequently, the U.S.-India bilateral relationship has heavily emphasized security, with even trade tilting toward defense goods. Despite the massive changes to the relationship in the last few years, and both countries’ desire to develop ever-closer defense ties, differences between the United States and India remain. A significant part of this has to do with the differing norms that underpin the defense interests of each country. The following Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) memos by defense experts in three countries are part of a larger CFR project assessing India’s approach to the international order in different areas, and illustrate India’s positions on important defense issues—military operationalization, cooperation in space, and export controls—and how they differ with respect to the United States and its allies. Sameer Lalwani (Washington, DC) argues that the two countries differ in their thinking about deterrence, and that this is evident in three categories crucial to defense: capability, geography, and interoperability. When it comes to increasing material capabilities, for example, India prioritizes domestic economic development, including developing indigenous capabilities (i.e., its domestic defense-industrial sector). With regard to geography, for example, the United States and its Western allies think of crises, such as Ukraine, in terms of global domino effects; India, in contrast, thinks regionally, and confines itself to the effects on its neighborhood and borders (and, as the recent crisis with Pakistan shows, India continues to face threats on its border, widening the geographic divergence with the United States). And India’s commitment to strategic autonomy means the two countries remain far apart on the kind of interoperability required by modern military operations. Yet there is also reason for optimism about the relationship as those differences are largely surmountable. Dimitrios Stroikos (London) argues that India’s space policy has shifted from prioritizing socioeconomic development to pursuing both national security and prestige. While it is party to all five UN space treaties that govern outer space and converges with the United States on many issues in the civil, commercial, and military domains of space, India is careful with regard to some norms. It favors, for example, bilateral initiatives over multilateral, and the inclusion of Global South countries in institutions that it believes to be dominated by the West. Konark Bhandari (New Delhi) argues that India’s stance on export controls is evolving. It has signed three of the four major international export control regimes, but it has to consistently contend with the cost of complying, particularly as the United States is increasingly and unilaterally imposing export control measures both inside and outside of those regimes. When it comes to export controls, India prefers trade agreements with select nations, prizes its strategic autonomy (which includes relations with Russia and China through institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS), and prioritizes its domestic development. Furthermore, given President Donald Trump’s focus on bilateral trade, the two countries’ differences will need to be worked out if future tech cooperation is to be realized.